Effectiveness of Different Coaching Styles in Sport

Effectiveness of Different Coaching Styles in Sport Sports Coaching CONTENTS (JUMP TO) Principles and best practice in coaching The effectiveness of different styles of coaching in different contexts How models of coaching can help practitioners References Principles and best practice in coaching The ideal of sport has changed markedly in the past fifteen to twenty years (Polley, 1998)[1]. What was once seen as leisure and/or a recreational activity is now viewed primarily as a vehicle through which one can instigate deep-seated cultural and societal change. This is especially true in the UK which has a particularly insipid connection to sport with a variety of games considered endemic in British society; indeed, many of the most popular sports in the world were played first in Britain and their governing bodies still reside within British state borders. As a result, as Dawn Penney (2000:59) declares, sport, society and equity are interlinked to a degree that has only very recently been acknowledged by academic, specifically sociological, study. â€Å"Physical education and sport are part of our social and cultural worlds. The relationship is dynamic, with the policies and practices of physical education reflecting, but also clearly shaping (reproducing and/or challenging), the values and interests of broader society.†[2] It is for this reason that the concept of ‘best practice’ has attained a new level of significance in recent years relating specifically to the adoption of the finest possible academic, psychological and ethical procedures especially with regards to children and young people so as to prepare them mentally and physically for the multiple demands of adult life whether this be in a sporting or non‑sporting context. ‘Best practice’ utilises research conducted primarily between the years 1950 to 1980 with the implementation of these strategies taking place over the past thirty years. It is a wholly recent phenomenon and, as such, is lacking in some areas of research compared to other fields of sociological study. However, in the twenty first century the amount of attention devoted to the subject is likely to increase with the dual spectre of globalisation and commercialisation making sports a highly lucrative hub of activity. The principles governing the concept of ‘best practice’ are centred upon the twin aims of forging a common sense of unity and teamwork within a group of players and at the same time to nurture individual skill and flair on a one-to-one basis so that the more gifted players’ skills are honed without neglecting the primacy of the team as the over-riding ethos of ‘best practice’. This essential dualism which resides at the epicentre of ‘best practice’ coaching concepts is inherently affected by the evolution of sports players as they grow up. For instance, young players (aged six to ten years old) are much more inclined to gravitate towards the individual element of sports and competition with the group dynamic coming at a later age (developing primarily between the ages of twelve and sixteen). For this reason, there is no ‘best way’ to ‘best practice’; no right or wrong. Rather, there is a great exchange of fluidit y between concepts, principles and practices that should be implemented on an individual basis. This is as true of coaching adults (clients) as it is of coaching youngsters where Jennifer Rogers (2007:7-10)[3] has outlined six core principles that ‘define’ the role of the coach in the modern era. These are: The client is resourceful (the coach’s sole aim is to work with the client to achieve all of their potential – as defined by the client). The coach’s role is to spring loose the client’s resourcefulness. Coaching addressing the whole person: past, present and future. The client sets the agenda. The coach and the client are equals. Coaching is about change and action. The common denominator outlined by Rogers is that coaching is always triggered by change – be it a change in age, in circumstance, in style or technique. Furthermore, because change is the currency in which the coach does business, there is bound to be wildly fluctuating styles of coaching that fit wildly different social and cultural contexts and it is towards these different styles and contexts that attention must now be turned. The effectiveness of different styles of coaching in different contexts It has been shown that the evolution of young people greatly affects the implementation of coaching methods pertaining to the precarious balance between coaching the individual and the group dynamic. This is necessarily dependent on the kind of sport being coached: team sports such as football require a dedication to the team ethic while sports such as tennis and golf stress the individual element of competition. Sports such as cricket combine the team ethic with a heavy emphasis upon individual ability, certainly with regards to batting, which is a very solitary skill that requires intensive levels of concentration and individualism (Palmer, 1999)[4]. Thus, in the first instance, effective coaching requires the practitioner to tailor his or her coaching style to the sport in question and then to further tailor these coaching techniques to the age group of the team or individual being coached. This inherent diversity in coaching styles is also true of the economic context of coaching adults. Certain sports require greater levels of economic participation than others. Golf, for example, is an expensive sport that demands that the participant is well funded so as to purchase the necessary equipment such as clubs, bags, clothing and, most importantly, membership to a golf club. The same can be said of tennis and cricket where the equipment is a vital part of the ultimate success or failure of the technique of the client in question. Economic context is also important with regards to the psychological element of coaching with the social, cultural and political problems of urban poverty playing an important part in the types of coaching techniques which are likely to yield the best results from any given demographic. There can be no doubt that a coaching style employed for a group of middle class practitioners with free access to capital, time and resources is going to be marke dly different from the kind of coaching style deployed for children and adults who do not have access to the same luxuries and who therefore are going to respond to different coaching techniques. Economic context, demographic context and age context are further compounded by the increasingly common problem of multiculturalism and, specifically, globalisation, which has obvious consequences for teachers, mentors and coaches operating at all levels of society throughout the UK. When one thinks, for instance, of the impact of language upon coaching (relaying tactics, pointing out areas of strength and weakness, and, most significantly, attempting to instil a team ethic) one can see the extent to which the role of the coach is inexorably intertwined with the fate of mass movement of peoples across the planet in the twenty first century. As Jones (1997:27) declares, â€Å"there is no more important task within the wider coaching process than that of communication.†[5] Bains and Patel (1994) have long pointed out the blatant under‑representation of Asians playing professional football in England despite some areas in the Midlands and the North-West of England having u rban areas with a higher than 50% ratio of ethnic communities. â€Å"Recent Sport England national statistics confirmed that people of South Asian origin have markedly lower participation rates than other minorities or the indigenous population.† (Collins, 2003:75)[6] This anomaly with regards to the high numbers of Asians living in modern Britain and the disproportionately small number of Asians playing football, it has been argued, is due to coaches indulging in outmoded stereotyping when it comes to coaching players from the Asian community. Asians are still seen as primarily academic achievers over sports players and where they are perceived as sports players they are still pigeon‑holed in typical Asian images of cricket players; rarely are they ever seen as potential professional footballers. Likewise black players are still seen as primarily quick, powerful players; rarely, the tactical brains or the spiritual heartbeat of the side. This cultural element to sports coaching is exacerbated by the historical gender divide between males and females in a sporting context. Here, just as with ethnic people, stereotypes remain the dominant coaching paradigm. Girls and women are expected to play traditionally female sports such as netball, hockey, lacrosse, swimming and tennis. This, however, is in direct opposition to the growing numbers of women playing traditionally male‑dominated sports such as rugby, cricket and football with the latter in particular experiencing a veritable boom in female interest since the beginning of the 1990s. â€Å"A generation ago, sport was a core, patriarchal institution in a larger, contested gender order. Now, with the dramatic growth of girls’ and women’s athletics participation, sport no longer simply or unambiguously plays this reactionary role in gender relations. Sport is now more internally contested.† (2002 introduction xxii)[7] It is, in the final analysis, up to the sports coach to take each of these mitigating factors and contexts into account so that the practitioner is able to coach skills and techniques that are relevant to the contemporary era as opposed to perpetuating anachronistic stereotypes that do little to advance civilised society in both a sporting and non‑sporting context. How models of coaching can help practitioners Studying different models of coaching represents the scientific element of sports mentoring whereby the student and practitioner can attempt to explain the essence and purpose of coaching via the development of models (Fairs, 1987:17-19)[8]. It can be separated into two distinct camps: the ‘of’ coaching camp and the ‘for’ coaching camp. Models ‘of’ coaching are based upon empirical research investigating best practice while the ‘for’ coaching models are idealistic representations that arise from attempts to identify a concrete set of assumptions about the coaching process. The majority of practitioners tend to employ a symbiosis of the two models incorporating an ‘of’ and ‘for’ model of best practice. In this way, empirical data can be used in a realistic setting that takes into account the age, skills and other contexts that affect the coaching process. However, these two models of coaching underline the e xtent to which academia and intellectual analysis has come to dominate the empirical study of sports performance when in fact the first hand experience of established practitioners ought to form the basis of all models of coaching sports. The difference, essentially, comes down to one of theory and practice with the concept of ‘expertise’ necessarily clouded by the arguments of the academics and the professionals respectively. Once again, though, the individual element of the coaching process must be highlighted so as to reflect the inherent complexity that takes place within the field of sports with vastly differing levels of skill and ability being matched by the vastly different psychological reactions to slumps in form and technique. It is, ultimately, up to the national governing sports bodies to ensure that the primacy of holistic coaching practice does not become relegated at the expense of literature, theory and academia (Lyle, 1999:1-24).[9] For this reason, organisations such as Sport England have been established by the central government in a bid to impose a centralise model for sports development on regionalised sports bodies so as to directly influence and aid practitioners. The primary model deployed by Sport England is the â€Å"traditional sports development continuum† – a pyramid which locates foundation as the core, base value followed in hierarchical terms by participation, performance and, finally, excellence (Bramhan et al, 1999:3). This generic model is dovetailed by more advanced models for practitioners to use with athletes at a professional or elite stage in their sports. As is so often the case it is the Australians who represent the pinnacle of academic research into the coaching process with the revolutionary ‘Old Way, New Way’ technique correction model offering an intensive ‘one session’ approach to the problem of proven performers suffering seemingly inexplicable dips in form and technique with the case of Australian fast bowler Jason Gillespie standing tall as the most prominent example of therapeutic success achieved via sports practitioners embracing new means of solving old problems. ‘Old Way, New Way’ is consequently a manifestation of the much sought after collaboration between academic researchers and sports practitioners which works on a psychological as well as a physical level in a bid to continue the sportsperson’s quest for skill development and continuous technical improvement. References Bramhan, P., Hylton, K., Jackson, D. and Nesti, M. (1999) Introduction, in, Bramhan, P., Hylton, K., Jackson, D. and Nesti, M (Eds.) Sport Development: Policy, Process and Practice London and New York: Routledge Collins, M.F. (2003), Social Exclusion from Sport and Leisure, quoted in, Houlihan, B. (Ed.) Sport and Society: a Student Introduction London: SAGE Fairs, J. (1987) The Coaching Process: The Essence of Coaching, in, Sports Coach Journal, Volume 11, Number 1 Jones, R.L. (1997) Effective Instructional Coaching Behaviour: A Review of Literature, in, International Journal of Physical Education, Volume, 24, Number 1 Lyle, J.W.B. (1999) The Coaching Process: Principles and Practice, in, Cross, N. and Lyle, J.W.B. (Eds.) The Coaching Process: Principles and Practice for Sport Oxford: Butterworth-Heinemann Messner, M.A. (2002), Taking the Field: Women, Men and Sports Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press Palmer, G.V. (1999) Cricket Coachmaster: Batting Mechanics London: Gary Palmer Penney, D. (2000) Physical Education: In what and who’s Interests? , in, Jones, R.L. and Armour, K.M. (Eds.) Sociology of Sport: Theory and Practice London and New York: Longman Polley, M. (1998) Moving the Goalposts: A History of Sport and Society since 1945 London and New York: Routledge Rogers, J. (2007) Coaching Skills Buckingham: Open University Press 1 Footnotes [1] Polley, M. (1998) Moving the Goalposts: A History of Sport and Society since 1945 London and New York: Routledge [2] Penney, D. (2000) Physical Education: In what and who’s Interests? , in, Jones, R.L. and Armour, K.M. (Eds.) Sociology of Sport: Theory and Practice London and New York: Longman [3] Rogers, J. (2007) Coaching Skills Buckingham: Open University Press [4] Palmer, G.V. (1999) Cricket Coachmaster: Batting Mechanics London: Gary Palmer [5] Jones, R.L. (1997) Effective Instructional Coaching Behaviour: A Review of Literature, in, International Journal of Physical Education, Volume, 24, Number 1 [6] Collins, M.F. (2003), Social Exclusion from Sport and Leisure, quoted in, Houlihan, B. (Ed.) Sport and Society: a Student Introduction London: SAGE [7] Messner, M.A. (2002), Taking the Field: Women, Men and Sports Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press [8] Fairs, J. (1987) The Coaching Process: The Essence of Coaching, in, Sports Coach Journal, Volume 11, Number 1 [9] Lyle, J.W.B. (1999) The Coaching Process: Principles and Practice, in, Cross, N. and Lyle, J.W.B. (Eds.) The Coaching Process: Principles and Practice for Sport Oxford: Butterworth-Heinemann

The Revolution of 1917: Rights of the Republic

Before the Mexican Revolution, Mexico was technically a republic as it is today, but by the time of the revolution, it was a republic in name only. In the mid-1860s, Mexico fought back against the French colonial overlords and established the country for itself, but the plan only partially succeeded.   Over the next decade, grassroots efforts across the country began to bring equality to Mexico, but instead they delivered the country into the hands of an elected dictator.   In 1876, Porfirio Diaz overthrew the sitting president, forcing him to flee the country and Diaz was named president. Once he had the position, he refused to relinquish it, crushing any who dared to oppose him. For the Mexican ruling class, the period known as Porfiriato was a time of prosperity and peace. There was enormous foreign investment in Mexico and the country was developed from a largely rural economy to a modernized, industrial nation.   Then in 1910, despite Diaz efforts to destroy any opposition Francisco Madero, an academic from one the haciendas of northern Mexico, ran against Diaz. He was immediately jailed by the president and the peasants, sick of being mistreated y the Republic, galvanized behind Madero. The election fraud that had kept Diaz in office was so extreme that officially Madero received only a few hundred votes nationally. Madero worked with church leaders in San Luis Potosi to develop a plan calling on the people of Mexico to take up arms and overthrow the Diaz government. Diaz ordered Madero arrested again and he fled to Texas where he formulated the Mexican Revolution.   Within a year, Madero was sworn in as the new president of Mexico when Diaz resigned in accordance with the Treaty of Ciudad Juarez after he routed the federalist army with the assistance of forces rallying behind Pancho Villa and Emiliano Zapata. Before the year was out, Madero and his vice president would be executed a military junta left in charge of the country because Madero refused to enact the property reforms that he had called for when encouraging the people to revolt.   Madero attempted to moderate between conservatives that wanted to keep the status quo and hard-line revolutionaries like the Zapatistas and in the end had no support at all. For the next six years, Mexico’s leadership was in a constant state of flux with the President Venustiano Carranza, a former revolutionary general who overthrew the previous military leader, chased out of Mexico City for two years of his presidency. Finally, he incorporated many of the extreme viewpoints of the revolutionaries in the Constitution of 1917. The constitution is the basis for the current Mexican government. One of the most important provisions of the constitution was that it forbade foreign investors from owning land in Mexico. The provision still stands. The reason for this proviso was the fact that during the Diaz presidency foreign investors owned the great majority of the land, making profits off the work of the local peasants and that Mexico’s oil fields were largely owned by foreign investors as well. Residents of Mexico wanted the income to remain within the country and nationalized all foreign-owned property. The Constitution also severely limited the power of the Catholic Church which had once been almost completely responsible for the education of people within Mexico. President Alvaro Obregon, who was elected to succeed Carranza after conspiring with those who assassinated his predecessor, tried to accommodate all factions of Mexican society including providing better education sponsored by the state instead of the Church and instituting rights for women. It was a bad time to a politician and Obregon was assassinated by a pro-Catholic gunman. That was in large part the beginning of the rebellion of the Church against the new government. The battles in Mexico continued well beyond the end of the war as the separation between Church and State was painful. Supporters of church supremacy began an uprising called â€Å"la Guerra Cristera† (the war of Christ) and estimates are that nearly a million people died in the battles. The battles between the Church and the government continued until 1929 when an end to the armed conflict was negotiated by the American ambassador. Many believe that the true end of the revolution was not until the presidency of Là ¡zaro Cà ¡rdenas, who ran the country from 1934 to 1940 and was the first president to willingly hand over the reins of the government to his successor.   In the meantime, the spiritual base of the national had been destroyed. In 1935, 17 Mexican states were left without a priest and only 334 licensed priests existed within the entire country. Forty were known to have been executed in the wars and hundreds of others fled the country. The reason: the Constitution of 1917. Under the diplomatic settlement, the anti-clerical provisions of the Constitution still stand. Among its provisions are: Article 5 outlawed monastic religious orders. Article 24 forbade public worship outside of church buildings, while Article 27 restricted religious organizations' rights to own property. Finally, Article 130 took away basic civil rights of members of the clergy: priests and religious leaders were prevented from wearing their habits, were denied the right to vote, and were not permitted to comment on public affairs in the press. The anti-clerical provisions of the Constitution are not generally enforced since World War II and the church has regained some of its prominence in the hearts of Mexicans, but not returned to prominence in Mexican politics. Other provisions of the new constitution include the right to freedom of the press, but with the caveat that after publication charges related to sedition and libel can be brought if they are warranted.   The constitution restricts where foreigners can own land, restricts who may be considered a citizen of Mexico and prohibits slavery. It also prohibits extradition of Mexican nationals who have committed crimes in other countries if that may result in the death penalty. The constitution specifically assures citizens the right to life and prohibits the death penalty.   The constitution assures the right of Mexican citizens to bear arms, but only those which have been approved by the Mexican National Army.   It is also one of the most progressive constitutions in the world with relation to worker rights. The Constitution provides that any slave brought into Mexico is immediately freed and offered equal protection under the law. Furthermore, workers are guaranteed the right to an eight-hour work day, a day of rest each work week, and a minimum wage. The Constitution prohibits people who are not Mexican by birth from holding most political offices, running the country’s airports or seaport, or being military officers. It also gives preference in hiring to Mexican nationals over foreigners applying for the same job, assuming that both are equally qualified.   Finally, it prohibits several forms of punishment commonly used in the pre-1917 government and outlaws the concept of a debtor’s prison.   Clearly, the biggest difference between the current Mexican government and the pre-1917 government is the treatment of the workers. Because it was the people, the workers who lead the Mexican revolution, the provisions of the new constitution are designed particularly to protect the rights of the worker.   Workers who rallied behind Emiliano Zapata and the other leaders of the revolution abandoned and executed their leaders when they strayed from the principles of land reform and workers right. Six full years before the November Revolution in Russia, the workers of Mexico began a war to assure that they would have the rights that they needed. The revolution was spurred by the harsh treatment of the peasants and lower class in early years and ended only after the people had their rights secured.

How Far Was the Provisional Government Responsible?

S13hsm 2 Joe Pendlebury How far was the Provisional Government responsible for its own downfall? There are many factors which were responsible for the Provisional government’s downfall. Some are more important than others because they had more impact on the downfall. The War, the distribution of land and the people in the provisional government all contributed to the downfall of the provisional government. They each had different amounts of impact. The Provisional Government had a programme initially designed to create a better Russia.The main aims of this government were to abolish Tsarist governors and hold elections based on a universal adult franchise. However, the members that made up the provisional government were from the Duma of masters, priests, and lackeys. This meant that, because of the weighted elections, it was not representative of the population, and therefore lacked legitimacy. They had little support from the working class because it was dominated by the Lib erals; members of the elite.The government also lacked control because of the dual authority with the Petrograd Soviet, who issued the Soviet Order Number One which directly challenged the Provisional Government. All ideas had to be agreed by the Petrograd Soviet, specifically to do with the military. In the Second Provisional government (the first coalition), the composition had become more left-wing, with Kerensky (a social Revolutionary) as president. Although this could be argued that this would have happened naturally, because the majority of the population were peasants, it definitely contributed to the downfall of the Provisional Government.The decision to stay in the war was largely responsible for the Provisional Governments downfall. Arguably they were restricted and had to stay in the war, due to having to keep strong relations with Britain and France that funding was continued, and making sure Russia was defended. However this caused huge shortages in coal and food which led to unemployment and discontent. Furthermore after deciding to lead a defensive war, the Brusilov offensive occurred in June. This was an offensive attack launched against Austria-Hungry. Due to this loss, many men died.This resulted in wide spread desertion, which increased when the Bolsheviks encouraged men to stop fighting. Following the desertions and the failure, this caused mass uprising and seizure of land in the countryside. This was the PG’s downfall as they lost the support of the largest social group in Russia. The land issue was a key feature in the downfall of the provisional government. Their decision to defer solving this problem until a constitutional assembly had been elected this left the peasants extremely dissatisfied and they continued to seize land.The provisional government’s hands were tied because they did not have a loyal military force to send in and stop the peasants taking land. This was worsened by the fact that most of the soldiers se nt to disrupt this from happening were peasant conscripts who also took land for themselves. A further problem was desertion from the front as more peasants went back to secure land for them before it was too late. Due to so much land being procured by the peasants farming and crops took a back seat, eventually creating food shortages creating even more pressure upon the provisional government to do something about the land situation.However they didn’t, creating more hatred towards them making revolution more of a threat. The Bolsheviks were responsible for the provisional Governments own downfall to a small extent. For example during the Kornilov affair, the provisional government were left with little other choice than trusting and arming the Bolsheviks. This decision contributes to their downfall as the Bolsheviks had hidden ulterior motives (they intended to use their government funded arms to overthrow the government itself in the future. However, the Bolsheviks did oth er things that were out of the governments control and that lead to its downfall.This includes the growing influence they gained within the Soviets of Russia. This was created by volunteering themselves for the unpopular jobs that nobody else wanted to do, this gave them a disproportionate influence meaning there influence was greater than their numbers and audience would have suggested. There influence was also helped by the irregular attendance of other parties. Because of the way the soviet system was set up and the lack of control this gave the provisional government, they had little control over what the Bolsheviks did.And even though the government helped them by rewarding them with the â€Å"Red Guard† this was only the final straw of an uprising they could not stop. Overall I think the government was responsible for its own downfall considering the decisions and actions it took. They decided to stay in the war and change their plan. They did have to stay in the war du e to many reasons but it was their choice. But also they made an agreement with the Petrograd Soviet so they actually didn't actually have much power so it is really the provisional governments own fault for there downfall.

Kate Chopin s Life And Feminism - 1281 Words

Kate Chopin’s Life and Works- Feminism Kate Chopin, born on February 8th, 1850, was a progressive writer in the midst of a conservative and unequal time. She exposed the unfair undertones of society in such a way that made people outrage and condemn some of her works. However, in the early 1900s, her works were examined again and people started to listen to her ideas. One of these main motifs that Chopin’s works kept bringing up were feminism and equality. In The Awakening, Edna Pontellier, a radical feminist, and Adele Ratignolle, a subtle feminist, demonstrate to the reader the desire for equality for women. The actions of these characters critique on the social problems of the time period while at the same time advocating for women’s rights and independence. Edna’s words and actions often comment on the unfair nature of marriage and the right for women to challenge this unfairness. While Edna is very radical about her feminist values, Adele is more subt le, but still effective at advocating women’s rights. Overall, these fictional characters values in Chopin’s The Awakening stem from the values and beliefs that Kate Chopin acquired in her early life. The role models that Chopin had, her mother and grandmother, her marriage life, and the social injustices in the south all influenced her values and views on feminism. Kate Chopin’s early life significantly influences her underlying feminist ideas in The Awakening, portrayed by Edna and Adele’s characterization. Early inShow MoreRelatedLeo Haines. Professor Capozzi. Research Paper. April 29,1518 Words   |  7 PagesProfessor Capozzi Research Paper April 29, 2017 Kate Chopin Kate Chopin was a famous author of short stories and articles. Kate was born on February 8, 1850, in St. Louis Missouri, and she grew up speaking English and French. 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